A year of war against Gaza’s Palestinians – The Balfour Project looks back—and forward

‘Your name and your deeds were forgotten
Before your bones were dry,
And the lie that slew you is buried
Under a deeper lie. 

‘But the thing that I saw in your face
No power can disinherit:
No bomb that ever burst
Shatters the crystal spirit.’

These words of George Orwell’s, written in an essay recalling his searing experience during the Spanish civil war, could equally apply to a Palestinian, who with his family and hopes lies buried under the rubble and carnage Israel has created in Gaza and the West Bank in the past year. The West’s politicians’ and commentators’ attentions have moved on to Lebanon, to Iran, to the spectre of wider regional war, back to Ukraine, or to domestic political matters; Palestinians immersed in what appears to be a forever war with Israel might well be tempted to despair. They are, after all, up against a seeming limitlessly superior military force with the undisguised backing, in its enterprise of ruling over all Palestine and crushing any hopes of peace and freedom for the Palestinian people, of the major power of the West, the United States, and its allies in the UK, France and Germany. These friends of Israel present the war, for their part, as Israel’s right to defend itself after the Hamas breakout of 7 Oct 2023 and the fatal mayhem that followed that day.

But those Palestinians can take heart from Orwell’s words. Thirty-six years after he wrote them the Spanish people had emerged from under the Fascist oppression and arbitrary terrors of Generalissimo Franco to become one of Europe’s most enlightened democracies. Spain is, too, one of the EU nations whose politicians and people hold the Palestinians closest to their hearts. Here in Britain, the gap in perception of and open support for the Palestinian cause is far wider between the political class and broad swathes of civil society. This past year has underscored this

It is this gap the Balfour Project tries to close. The Project maintains its programme of persuading Britain to take a firmer, internationally legal and moral stand on the Palestinian case, and against Israel’s illegal occupation and military excesses, as you can read in Our New ‘Asks’ of Labour , presented to the Prime Minister in September. And on this first anniversary of this intense stage, since 7 Oct 2023, of the Gaza siege and invasion, the chairman of our Trustees, Andrew Whitley, a veteran of more than 40 years’ journalistic and diplomatic dealings with the Middle East, most particularly as a senior official of UNRWA, assesses what this year of horror has brought.

Tim Llewellyn, Balfour Project website editor

 

Reflections on a sea of troubles: the Middle East in an age of tragic disorder

By Andrew Whitley

Chair of the Balfour Project

For more than  a century after the slaughter of the First World War it has been a proud tradition in the United Kingdom K to honour the Unknown Soldier, a young man who died anonymously on a foreign battlefield while fighting for his country.  Remembering him with a red poppy symbolised those who never returned home and whose burial places were unknown.

The horrific events of the past year in the Middle East, their epicentre in the Gaza Strip and rippling outwards to Israel, the West Bank, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and now Iran oblige us to reassess who in future most deserves to be remembered and honoured.  It cannot be a soldier. These are not noble wars that are being fought. Instead, it should be the Unknown Civilian.

He or she – more often than not a woman or child – lies buried under the rubble of Gaza or Beirut, the victim of an algorithm feeding Israel’s AI-driven, military targeting systems which disproportionately affect civilians trying to escape the carnage. Ironically however, unlike the Unknown Soldier, she died in her own home in a war not of her own choice.

In place of a red poppy, let us wear a white lily in her memory.

That unthinking algorithm never heard of the Geneva Conventions nor the principles in international humanitarian law of proportionality or discrimination designed to protect civilian life in times of warfare. Worse, though, is the fact that the human beings behind the killing machines evidently do not care how many civilians are being killed as they try to reach a suspected enemy fighter.

That same casual disregard for established norms of warfare has been witnessed time and again during the fighting on the ground in Gaza. It has also been evident in the mistreatment of thousands of Palestinian prisoners and abductees, many of whom have suffered torture or died in detention, as well as in the denial of access to them by the ICRC or other independent observers.

In case of doubt, I do not refer only to the IDF’s lack of restraint on the several fronts it is fighting on today. The same applies to Russia’s conduct of operations in Ukraine and to the foreign-backed civil war in Sudan, where countless civilians have been the victims. We at the Balfour Project also make no excuses for Hamas’ taking of civilian hostages. They must return home – but assassinating Hamas’ chief negotiator is not the way.

The UK Government must live up to its declared policies

Contemplating the relentless daily rise in Gaza’s casualty toll, to levels that shock the most seasoned of humanitarian workers and diplomats, it should be clear to all by now that accountability will not be found within Israel’s civilian or military legal systems. And if there is no accountability, what we are witnessing today will become normalised, to be repeated time and again in future wars. If Israel, the darling of the West, can get away with it then so can we will be the refrain on the lips of leaders everywhere.

Hence the irrefutable case for those concerned with upholding the rule of law, notably the Starmer Government, to back to the hilt the agreed mechanisms of international justice and not to obstruct their work or apply pressure behind-the-scenes to protect Israel.  Unlike its predecessor, this Government has made modest progress in this regard. Much more remains to be done if it is to live up to its declared policies.

If there is one good thing to have come out of the past year, it has been the reassertion of the applicability of international law and global acceptance of the need to enforce it in an even-handed, not selective, fashion. The Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice, which declared the occupation illegal and called on Israel to end it as rapidly as possible, while insisting that third party states such as the UK take concrete measures to prevent its continuation, was a landmark moment. Israel cannot be allowed to be above the law.

Whether the Advisory Opinion will have practical import remains to be seen. Much will depend on policies that need to be adopted in the coming months by the UK and others. An early sign of equivocation on the part of the Starmer government was its decision to abstain in the UN General Assembly’s vote on 18 Sept on a resolution that incorporated the ICJ’s findings. Dame Barbara Woodward, the UK Permanent Representative to the UN, said this was because “the resolution does not provide sufficient clarity to effectively advance our shared aim of a peace premised on a negotiated two-state solution…”  Her contorted explanation flew in the face of the absence of any prospect of a peace process and the refusal of the Netanyahu government to consider a Palestinian state.

That is why UK Government recognition of the State of Palestine matters, as a step towards Palestinian self-determination. It is far more than a gesture – if it were just a gesture it would have been made long ago – and it is anathema to Netanyahu. If the UK moves, so will France, our permanent partner on the UN Security Council. That is where the Occupation needs to be addressed, in line with the ICJ Opinion. There is a glimmer of hope that the Security Council will do so, later this year.

Why has the UK done nothing for Gaza’s wounded and orphaned children?

In common with millions of others, many of whom were shaken by the Hamas attacks of 7 Oct, the seizure of Israeli hostages and the subsequent assault on Gaza, which has turned it into a wasteland and displaced some two million people, for us at the Balfour Project the past year has been a painful one.

When so much empathy and kindness was extended to Ukrainian refugees in Britain, by politicians and ordinary people alike, it has been incomprehensible that our government has not extended the same generosity to Palestinians fleeing Gaza, many of whom have close family ties to the UK. Why have no family reunification schemes or emergency programmes to help badly injured or orphaned Gazan children been put in place? There is still time for the new Labour government to break with Sunak’s policies and do the right thing. The political costs would be low, and the goodwill earned great.

Another sign of a break with the alignment with Netanyahu that characterised past policies towards the conflict would be to revoke the Vision 2030 roadmap for UK-Israel  bilateral relations. This had pledged closer cooperation in many fields while dismissing the Palestinians as merely deserving of better living standards.  No mention of rights there. Britain’s ongoing support for Israel’s campaigns in the occupied Palestinian territory and Lebanon, which extends beyond the provision of arms into intelligence and logistical cooperation, needs to end.

One explanation for the timidity being shown so far in London towards the Netanyahu Government could be uncertainty over the outcome of the US elections on 5 Nov. If Trump wins and resumes his previous love affair with the Israeli right, allowing de jure annexation of much of the West Bank to go ahead, in the process definitively blowing up the two-state solution, Starmer and Lammy will face a stark dilemma.

What will happen then to the talk of a negotiated peace?  Might the UK switch to a rights-based narrative and call for equal rights for all in the land controlled by Israel, including Gaza, today? The Balfour Project certainly hopes so. Such a declaration might give pause for serious thought to many in Israel over whether their “let’s-have-our-cake-and-eat-it” approach to the Palestinian question is really in their long-term interests.

 

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